Dr Igor Calzada MBA is a Research Fellow at WISERD at Cardiff University School of Social Sciences being funded by the ESRC. In addition, he is Senior Research Affiliate at the University of Oxford, Future of Cities Programmes and Urban Transformations ESRC at COMPAS, where he joined in 2012 being funded by the EC-H2020, ESRC, EU-Marie Curie, RSA and Ikerbasque. From 2019 to 2021 he has served as Senior Scientist for the Joint Research Centre (JRC), Digital Economy Unit and Centre for Advanced Studies at the European Commission. He is currently serving as Senior Advisor of UN-Habitat Programme while being Invited Senior Lecturer at the University of the Basque Country and Mondragon University. Over the last 20 years, he has been working in several international HEI (Strathclyde, Aston, Nevada, Vrije, Ikerbasque, and Mondragon Universities) and worked as director in the private sector, i.e. Mondragon Co-operative Corporation and in the public sector, i.e. Basque Regional Government.
COVID-19 has hit European citizens dramatically, not only creating a general risk-driven environment with a wide array of economic vulnerabilities but also exposing them to pervasive digital risks, such as biosurveillance, misinformation, and e-democracy algorithmic threats. Over the course of the pandemic, a debate has emerged about the appropriate techno-political response when governments use disease surveillance technologies to tackle the spread of COVID-19. Citizens have pointed out the dichotomy between state-Leviathan cybercontrol and civil liberties. Moreover, the giant technological flagship firms of surveillance capitalism, such as Google, Amazon, and Facebook, have already assumed many functions previously associated with the nation-state, from cartography to the disease surveillance of citizens. But particularly, amidst the AI-driven algorithmic disruption and surveillance capitalism, Smart City Citizenship sheds light on the way citizens …
With separate histories and political-cultural traditions, the UK and Spain do not have the same nation-state DNA. Yet both face issues over regional independence. While the UK Government has legitimised the Scottish Government and supported the Scottish Independence referendum as a highly democratic exercise, Spain stands out as remaining normatively inflexible without, so far, even contemplating any dialogue with the presidents of the Catalan and Basque Autonomies.
Other EU nation-states accept the UK’s approach to sort out regional and nationalistic claims democratically. But Spain has been avoiding the demands of the Catalan and Basque institutions and citizens on the basis of both historic and more recent episodes of political unrest. As a result, it seems impossible to open any discussion about the devolution claims of city-regional small nations, particularly in terms of devising an internal, alternative and re-scaled configuration of Spain as a nation-state, which would involve modifying the 1978 Constitution. In the case of the Basque Country, this is presented as the least likely outcome as political violence in the region has been both a major obstacle and also a source of inertia. Nevertheless, ETA (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna), announced a ‘definitive cessation’ of its campaign in 2011 and, therefore, should welcome any kind of democratic implementation that involves devolving powers to the Basque Country.
But are there any remarkable differences between EU nation-states such as the UK and Spain?
Indeed, I think there are plenty of them.
Analytical cookies are used to understand how visitors interact with the website. These cookies help provide information on metrics such as the number of visitors, bounce rate, traffic source, etc. that help us improve the service we offer you.
This cookie is installed by Google Analytics. The cookie is used to calculate visitor, session, campaign data and keep track of site usage for the site's analytics report. The cookies store information anonymously and assign a randomly generated number to identify unique visitors.
This cookie is installed by Google Analytics. The cookie is used to store information of how visitors use a website and helps in creating an analytics report of how the website is doing. The data collected including the number visitors, the source where they have come from, and the pages visted in an anonymous form.
The cookie is set by Facebook to show relevant advertisments to the users and measure and improve the advertisements. The cookie also tracks the behavior of the user across the web on sites that have Facebook pixel or Facebook social plugin.
5 months 27 days
This cookie is set by Youtube. Used to track the information of the embedded YouTube videos on a website.
This cookies is set by Youtube and is used to track the views of embedded videos.
Advertisement cookies are used to provide visitors with relevant ads and marketing campaigns. These cookies track visitors across websites and collect information to provide customized ads. We do not display advertisements on our website but some cookies set by our analytics systems may collect data that is used to show targeted advertisements on other websites you visit.
This cookie is set by Facebook to deliver advertisement when they are on Facebook or a digital platform powered by Facebook advertising after visiting this website.
1 year 24 days
Used by Google DoubleClick and stores information about how the user uses the website and any other advertisement before visiting the website. This is used to present users with ads that are relevant to them according to the user profile.
This cookie is used to a profile based on user's interest and display personalized ads to the users.
This cookie is set by doubleclick.net. The purpose of the cookie is to determine if the user's browser supports cookies.